The unusual separation of cappadocian refectories and kitchens: an enigma of architectural history

Abstract

Paul Lucas, who visited Cappadocia in the early eighteenth century, claimed that the “strange carved spaces in the volcanic cones were the hermitages of Byzantine monks” (1) (2), which was echoed by the early European travelers and explorers that followed him, who also suggested that the harsh volcanic wilderness is likely to have attracted a large monastic community. Ever since, the region in central Anatolia, famous for its peculiar landscape and its carved structures, has retained the monastic identity with which it was initially stamped (Ousterhout, 1996a, 31) (3). Surprisingly, however, there is not a single document referring to Cappadocia in this sense, and it is unlikely that any will ever come to light (Rodley, 1985, 5, 237; Ousterhout, 2005a, 177) (4). As for physical evidence, unlike Western models, it is difficult to talk of a standard plan for a Byzantine monastery (Rodley, 1985, 240-4; Ousterhout, 1996a; 1997a) (5); and in the case of Cappadocia the idiosyncratic nature of the carved architecture makes it all the more difficult. In general, for Byzantine monasteries, consistency in the appearance of some elements may still facilitate their identification as such. According to Svetlana Popović (1998, 281; 2007, 48), for example, the presence of an enclosure wall, a church for communal worship and a refectory for the taking of communal meals would suggest a monastic establishment (6). Likewise, Spiro Kostof in his book Caves of God highlights two particular spaces within a carved complex, the church and the refectory, as being the main indicators of a monastic establishment in Cappadocia (1972, 51; 1989, 51) (7). For the latter, this would mean the presence of a long rock-cut table, trapeza in Greek, and flanking benches; but interestingly Kostof’s list of cave monasteries also includes complexes that contain neither a church nor a refectory. In 1985, Lyn Rodley (1985), in her book entitled Cave Monasteries of Byzantine Cappadocia, put forward a differentiation between the so-called “refectory monasteries” and “courtyard monasteries”. Although this was an important step towards bringing scholarly order to the different perspectives on the numerous rock-cut cavities in the region, as the title of the book indicates, the prevalent monastic identity was still preserved (8). Rodley’s differentiation -though without denying the existence of “some overlap”- was based on a simple rule: complexes with rock-cut table and benches can be defined as “refectory monasteries” (Figure 1, 2); while complexes with a more formal plan and “which are carefully carved to imitate built architecture” but without a rock-cut refectory could be referred to as “courtyard monasteries”, despite the fact that not all of them contain a courtyard (Figure 3) (Rodley, 1985, esp. 9, 11). The examples she provided of both categories included only those complexes with an attached church or with a church in the close vicinity, but omitted many others of similar organization but lacking a church.Towards the end of the twentieth century, scholars conducting architectural surveys in the region began to question the monastic identity of Rodley’s “courtyard type”, claiming that an attached church alone does not necessarily imply a monastic identity (Ousterhout, 1997a, 422; 2005b, 214) (9). Accordingly, the lack of a refectory was considered as the main argument for the rather secular character of the courtyard type (Ousterhout, 2010, 95) (10), and they were accordingly re-classified as “courtyard complexes” or “courtyard houses” rather than monasteries. Consequently, aristocratic families with military connections residing in this border land of Byzantium were suggested as being the initial inhabitants of these complexes (11). Rodley (1985, 223-4) asserts that both the refectory and courtyard types were probably occupied for a short period, mainly during the eleventh century; and likewise, scholars speaking for the secular use of courtyard complexes date them to the tenth and eleventh centuries (12). It is interesting to note that despite the absolute absence of any kind of rock-cut furniture for dining (Kalas, 2000, 89), the majority of so-called courtyard complexes contained spacious kitchens, recognizable from their huge conical, pyramidal or domical “chimney-vault” (13) and the occasional presence of carved hearths and niches in the surrounding walls (Figure 5-7). What is more noteworthy is that very few refectory monasteries included spaces that may be identified as kitchens (Figure 8), yet their contemporaneousness with the complexes is questionable (Rodley, 1985, 249; Kalas, 2000, 41; 2009d, 114-5) (14). Therefore, while supporting the argument related to the secular character of courtyard complexes, this paper sees the unusual separation of food preparation and communal dining as a challenging new perspective that necessitates a re-examination of the differentiation between Rodley’s refectory and courtyard types.